General Marco Bertolini, immigration and our facts, some consideration

Despite the many problems we are facing, the migratory flow that has invested us for years is contributing decisively to facing some realities that can not be avoided by Italy and which we obviously needed to focus on.
In fact, our relationship with the one around us has often been mediated by the other interpretations of our function in the last half century as a more or less important member of an "international community" with indefinite contours. Depending on the cases and the conveniences, it is represented by the generic "globalized world" we like, from the community of "democracies" opposed to "dictatorships" and "rogue states", from the UN, The European Union, the West, NATO, the countries of the Euro, Mediterranean Europe or, with a skin of racism, from a resilient Western Europe, bothered by new riches in the former Eastern Europe, often more Western than us . The most shameless, given the rampant secularization and secularisation they are proud of, even prop up a "Christian" West, who, however, prefers the beaches at Sunday Messe, to oppose an Islamic East with whom they want to strive hard to conflict, who knows because. Maybe because they do not float in our sea, at least with their heads.
The fact remains that this delegation to others of much of our identity makes the Bel-country a passive element of the context in which, on the contrary, it should be the protagonist.
Turning to the point, for some years, surprisingly, we are rediscovering hot water, that is, the obvious and singular importance of our geographic position from which it is equally important strategic value. It was said of the story, from the ancient one in which our chaotic, beautiful and even cunning Capitale was also Caput Mundi, precisely because of its position, center of gravity and universal reference: but history has repudiated and renounced it as legacy Of a past who knows why embarrassing and to be ashamed of. It reminds us of the Western culture of which we define simple children and we like to consider anglodirette, language, music and technology that excite us; Instead it is mainly the result of what our fathers did, even if we like to pretend nothing, playing with the definition of "humanity" and not just "ours", to stick to everything we have most beautiful . It is also said by the universal Church that, abandoned with a progressive supposition the Latin language for its liturgy, has nevertheless maintained Italian as a frank language with which it expresses urbi et orbi.
But it is useless to divide. Suddenly, little more than a shine we had to resume the idea that the Mediterranean in which we are central is not merely a concentration of beauties to enjoy passively but an arena in which conflicting interests are faced by major Protagonists of world politics. And we are in the middle, with the risks and opportunities that this entails, but also with the unpreparedness to face them and to find that it derives from the cultural approach mentioned above.
Certainly, from this point of view, the Libyan crisis has been a great lesson. There was a sudden crackdown between us and our interests, in spite of the resentment of some of the national political forces who, in myopia and hatred of the ruling government, wanted to ignore the abyss of problems we were precipitating. For many, in fact, it was nothing more than a "reinforcement" to Ruby bis or ter that would have to simplify our national political framework for the benefit of each other and to the disadvantage of others. Point. Yet, if we did not understand it, the International Community taking the bunch in the hand to eliminate the Libyan dictator did not think of Italy, which did not even want to announce its intentions with a precious advance He did so taking into account common interests, but simply for those of a limited number of countries, France, Britain and the United States, respectively. It is certainly useless to recriminate, but on that occasion we would have to bend to reality and realize that from that moment onwards we would have been alone to face the consequences of the incident.

And the consequences have not been awaited, beginning with the uncontrolled immigration that invests us continually but that we should not go into the mistake of considering the only problem that from that side could interest us in the future. In any case, this is certainly a difficult solution, given the absence of a central power in Libya to control the whole territory, with particular reference to the slopes that cross south from the Sahara and the coasts above all of Tripolitania from Which is the mass of refugees.
The problem came to the attention of our public opinion with the harrowing images of the early dramas that led to the deaths of hundreds and thousands of refugees not far from our coasts and imposed us on the need to "do something". Unfortunately, the "something" was set up with a strong emotional conditioning by public opinion, in a climate of urgent emotion in which it seemed (and still seems in many cases) that the problem consisted essentially of recovering and then settling in some So did the refugees at our house and not preventing them from facing the deadly crossing (indeed, the crossings, that of the Sahara and then the Mediterranean). And in this climate, it seemed sufficient to put a few ships in the Canal of Sicily, calling for collection of other European countries, and to set up some collection centers in Italy in which to identify those who were still considered simple "shipwrecks".
In doing so, however, a perverse spiral has been triggered in which the presence of a naval component ready to intervene in the rescue has increasingly encouraged attempts to cross, in the certainty of a safe recovery and a subsequent safe landing in an Italy that he did nothing to discourage the phenomenon and welcomed everyone. From this point of view, the very presence of military ships - first with the national operation Mare Nostrum, which later became Mare Sicurezza, then with the European one EUNAVFOR MED and with Triton - although not specifically aimed at carrying out migrant recovery activities, does not it absolutely acted as a deterrent. In fact, although their missions essentially promised themselves operational purposes (the capture of traffickers of human beings, the seizure / sinking of the boats used, etc.), the carrying out of these activities in the open sea cannot be separated from a preventive aid towards of those transported who thus continue to be brought to our territory by the thousands, as no agreement is available with credible and compliant Libyan authorities to do the same in Libya.
In short, the paradox for which the European Military Navy employed in the Canal of Sicily, once called the Marine War, is now in the forefront of a mission that is certainly important from a humanitarian and ethical point of view, But equally problematic under the operational one. Indeed, their presence favors that uncontrollable influx from Africa that they would like to interrupt, also justifying a process of emulation by many non-governmental organizations that feel right to do the same, more and more getting more under the Libyan coasts And without accepting limits and rules from the States concerned, in particular ours.
It is clear that a solution to such a complex problem can not be found with a magic wand, but it is also true that one can not continue to pretend anything, in addition to the ideological phenomena of those who want to consider immigration a "Resource" and not a problem to solve. And it is unfortunately clear that in discussing these issues we also discuss the safety of many people who entrust their lives to unscrupulous adventurers who find in our inertia, and often in the hypocritical complacency of many, an opportunity to continue or expand the Their traffickers on the skin of migrants.
It must in principle reverse the sense of the perverse spiral, meaning that the recovery of "shipwrecks" can not be confused with a generic ferry from the Libyan coasts to the Italian ones (because then Italians are not known) by routine service No more emergency. And to do this, there is nothing left to divert our ships from the Libyan coasts, to force traffickers to use heavier and more powerful boats instead of the unlikely boats that have hitherto been used to simply get out of the North African waters. In doing so, they will also be forced to "face up" and risk the jail, as they often just go with the boats on board other boats to eclipse just spotted by military ships. Certainly, crossings will be financially more costly and this will discourage many from attempting, while also reducing the number of leaks at sea in the medium term. Of course, NGOs must also be held responsible for such behavior, forcing their reluctance to comply with the rules of the States or, at the very least, compelling them to transport the returnees to the States whose flag vessels are flying. And this is a problem in the matter, answering these organizations to logic that has nothing to do with national interests, at least with those of countries like ours, left "by Constitution" to embody in the international context.

Fortunately, at least for now is Libya itself, it is not known whether it is only in its triple-declination declarations or with some winking by Tobruk, to impose and favor a solution in line with our interests, having the NGOs to get away From its coast. The reaffirmation of a Libyan sovereign will with regard to the migration that from Tripoli, for Italy, can only be welcomed, although there is no illusion: without intervention even on the territory that interrupts the flow from the south, In fact, any measure will be inadequate.

In other words, the solution of such a problem merely "at sea" is not possible and indeed will be increasingly counterproductive, with good peace of those who also speculate on sectoral solutions for what is a very complex and global problem. Apart from the most striking phase of crossing the Mediterranean, in fact, this solution primarily involves investments in Libya to strengthen its territorial control capabilities, diplomatic actions, and possibly military support activities on the ground to secure the tracts To help the local forces in the fight against traffickers, to control the southern boundaries of the country, and to provide logistical arrangements (refugee camps) capable of accommodating in security and decorating those from the south, pending The flow is interrupted and can be repatriated. In addition, we need to develop a media and psychological campaign to make it clear to migrant aspirants, even before deciding to leave their country, how unprofitable the attempt, the risks it incurs and the inconveniences that will also imply a When they arrived at their destination.
Exactly the opposite of what we have done so far with fascinating fictions that, emphasizing the affliction of loving welcome with which we have addressed the issue, have encouraged many to try, even at the cost of their lives and that of their family members.
Lastly, from a political point of view, we must have a bath of humility and realism, accepting the fact that in Libya we have to deal with who is able to control the territory and not simply with whom we have been told by the International Community , On the basis of "international legality" criteria defined by those who will never pay duty for the choices made.
We have to give up the naivety of pointing everything to the Prime Minister Al Serraj simply because he is supported and pushed by some office in the Glass Palace, pretending to ignore that the only one who can control the slopes that cross the Sahara is the Gen. Khalifa Haftar, holder of a military capacity that the former does not have. And military capacity, in the real world sheltered by our dream dreams, counts a lot.

As I said earlier, our position in the Mediterranean, besides exposing us to many risks, also provides us with many opportunities, being a sea at the center of many interests and in which balances are being defined that will affect our well-being and our security in future. Not only Libya and migrants, therefore, but also great opportunities for energy exploitation, trade and influence from which we have always been discouraged by those who feared that our excessive "spellings" would lead us to develop a national strategy too. In short, we must understand that underlying our current weaknesses and vulnerabilities there is the pervading will of others not to have in our boot an interlocutor too strong and determined, able to propose itself as a stone of stumbling over their intriguing. And often to such maneuvers to us, we have bent ourselves for the bitter interests of a party, rather of a party, by lending our side and our suicide participation in external operations against which we pay today the consequences.
We would do well to review our vocation to subordinate ourselves to the interests of others, transforming the global strategic issues that revolve around us into simple and banal questions of a national party workshop. I am afraid we will need this revision soon, considering that apart from Libya there are other areas in the Mediterranean, starting from the situation in the Middle East to the connected - very connected - "dormant" crisis in Ukraine, which we will have to consider very carefully. . And from which problems much more serious than the current ones may arise.

By Marco Bertolini

General CA Marco Bertolini of the Italian Army, among the many prestigious assignments and commands, commanded the Operational Command of Vertice Interforze, the Folgore Paratroopers Brigade and since April 2017 he is the National President of the Italian Paratroopers Association.

 

 

 

General Marco Bertolini, immigration and our facts, some consideration