At the end of the term Sergio Mattarella is preparing to dissolve the Houses between Christmas and New Year. We continue to work towards an orderly end of the legislature and keeping Paolo Gentiloni safe from sudden crises. A disheartened prime minister is not the best when in the space of politics the times could expand in search of government majorities that - to date - all polls place more in the drawers of desires than in those of reality. Unless the Italians place the epiphany of governability in the ballot boxes, the Quirinale is preparing for even the most complex scenarios. And the expectations of the parties could be disappointed, at least for those who think today that a few more votes will be enough to be called to the "study at the window" and have the task of forming the new executive in hand. Net of electoral exploits that kill competitors, the president's lighthouse will be the formation of a new majority executive and not a reckless series of parliamentary attempts. It is therefore not conclusive to have obtained a few percentage points more in the elections. For example, but it is only one example among the many that could manifest themselves after the vote in March, Luigi Di Maio may not be enough to be the leader of the winning party of the 2018 Policies. To obtain a full office from the President of the Republic, Di Maio , informed sources note, he will have to present himself before the head of state with a political agreement in his pocket that guarantees a majority in Parliament. The dream, for the Movement and beyond, remains to exceed the 40-42% that would guarantee an absolute majority without allies. But at the moment these are figures that seem very far away. And, at that point, Mattarella's full discretion will weigh on the formation of the government. Which moves in the cold light of a North Star: it is not who has the most votes that gets the job, but who, in the consultations to be held at the Colle, will be able to demonstrate that they have a majority with other parties. And it will not be possible to "cheat": the consultations allow the Head of State to cross and verify the assurances that come from this or that party. Anyone who had the richest booty (but no majority) to present to the president, at the limit and perhaps not immediately, could be assigned an exploratory assignment which, as history teaches, often failed. And history always tells us that in 1981 Giovanni Spadolini became Prime Minister, at the head of a party (the PRI) which in the elections two years earlier had taken 3%. In short, we always and only think about "the production task". On the roads that can lead to the result. And, in the alternative, unwillingly, in the most secret rooms of the Colle there are also those who study the least painful ways to bring Italians back to the vote in the event of an insuperable "impasse".
